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In the tide of nationalism and revisionism which has marked the last century, our common European Celtic heritage has been systematically deconstructed, manipulated and denied. To balance this phenomenon, the BALKANCELTS organization presents the archaeological, numismatic, linguistic and historical facts pertaining to the Celts in Eastern Europe and Asia-Minor, within the context of the pan-European Celtic culture – a heritage which belongs to no nation, yet is common to all.

  

FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/Balkancelts

Contact: Balkancelts@gmail.com

 

ACADEMIA.EDU:

http://ucd-ie.academia.edu/BrendanMacGonagle

great

 

https://www.academia.edu/11899946/An_Thr%C3%ADbh%C3%ADs_Mh%C3%B2r_-_On_The_Triskelion_in_Iron_Age_Celtic_Culture

 

 

bol slov

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The use of rattles in folk dances and rituals is recorded in cultures throughout the world, either hand-held or attached to ceremonial costumes to dictate the rhythm of ritual dances, and to summon or repel supernatural beings or demons.

 

 

 

irish rattles g

Globular or pear-shaped rattles from Dowris (Co. Offaly), Ireland  (c. 850 BC)

 
These three rattles, or ‘crotals’, were part of a large find of bronze metalwork made in Dowris bog in the mid-nineteenth century, which included weapons, tools and elaborate sheet metal vessels.
(See Eogan E. (1983), The hoards of the Irish Later Bronze Age (Dublin)

 

 

 

In Celtic Europe rattles appear in the Bronze Age, and by the La Têne period are recorded at sites throughout the continent. Logically, regional variations are to be observed in decoration and form, and rattles of both ceramic and metal have been discovered.

 

Spanish

Decorated ceramic rattle from a Celtic (Vaccean) burial at the necropolis of Las Ruedas (Pintia), north-central Spain (2 c. BC).

Celtic rattles discovered in the Vaccean environment from the northern Iberian plateau have been dated between the end of the 3rd century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD.

(see: Sanz Minguez C., Romero Carnicero F., De Pablo Martinez, R., Górriz Gañán C., Vaccean
Rattles. Toys or Magic Protectors?, in Jiménez Pasalodos Raquel, Till R., Howell M. (eds.),
Music and Ritual: Bridging Material and Living Cultures, Berlin, p. 257–283)

 

 

 

 
With eastern expansion, from the 4th century BC onwards, rattles also begin to appear at Celtic sites across eastern Europe. Examples include those from Bucsu in Hungary, Hanska-Toloacă in the Republic of Moldova, Buneşti-Avereşti in eastern Romania, Novo Mesto in Slovenia, Zvonimirovo in Croatia, and Kabyle in Bulgaria (Rustoiu A., Berecki S. (2015). A further example of such has recently been published from a Celtic burial at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii in Romania, dating to the 3rd c. BC.

 

 

 

rattle fan romania

The egg-shaped ceramic rattle from a Celtic burial at Fântânele

(After: Rustoiu A., Berecki S. (2015) The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dambu Popii and Its Functional and Symbolic Significance. In: Representations, Signs and Symbols. Proceedings of the Symposium on Religion and magic. Cluj-Napoca 2015. p. 259-274)

 

 

 

 

Rattles have been discovered in the burials of both Celtic adults and also in funerary contexts belonging to children or youngsters, logically indicating that they were regarded as having a protective and preventive function, regardless of the gender or age of the entombed.

 
An example of the manner in which such metal rattles were used in Celtic music and dance is provided by the modern custom of “Căluş” or “Căluşari” from Romania, which is a male dance related to pre-Christian solar cults. In this case, the rattles are strapped to the legs of the dancers and dictate the dance rhythm (op cit). Metal rattles quite similar to those used in today’s folk costumes have been discovered in Balkan Celtic funerary inventories, for example in Celtic warrior burials # 4 and 12 from Zvonimirovo in Croatia in which the rattles were, as in modern Romanian and Bulgarian folk dances, attached to the garment or the belt.

 

 

zvonimirovo rattle and romania g

Metal rattle strapped on the leg of a modern “Căluşar” dancer from Romania, and a similar rattle discovered in a warrior burial (# 4) from the Celtic cemetery at Zvonimirovo, Croatia (2 c. BC)

 

( On the Celtic burials from Zvonimirovo see: https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/2014/01/18/the-celtic-burials-at-zvonimirovo-croatia/ )

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mac Congail

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

srednice 3 good

 

 

 

The area of the modern city of Ptuj (ancient Poetovio) in eastern Slovenia has yielded a massive amount of material pertaining to the Celtic culture, uncovered at multiple sites around the city. While the majority of this archaeological material has hitherto tended to relate to the immediate pre-Roman and Roman periods, recent discoveries have also furnished fascinating information regarding the earlier phases of Celtic settlement in this part of Europe.

 

 

 

 

ptuj map

( after Lubšina Tušek M., Kavur B. 2009 = https://www.academia.edu/1379528/LUB%C5%A0INA_TU%C5%A0EK_Marija_KAVUR_Boris._A_sword_between_the_Celtic_warriors_grave_from_Srednica_in_north-eastern_Slovenia._V_TIEFENGRABER_Georg_ur._KAVUR_Boris_ur._GASPARI_Andrej_ur._._Keltske_%C5%A1tudije_II_papers_in_honour_of_Mitja_Gu%C5%A1tin_Protohistoire_Europ%C3%A9enne_11_._Montagnac_%C3%89ditions_Monique_Mergoil_2009_str._125-142 )

 

 

 

mat

Relief of the Celtic Matres from Ptuj/Poetovio (LIMC, vol. 6.2, p. 620, n°4)
(see: https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/2014/02/01/cult-of-the-nutrices-nursing-mothers/ )

 

 

br

The Brogdos Pot from Poetovio

 
The most extraordinary Celtic inscription to be found at Poetovio is undoubtedly that found on a beaker at the site. Dated to the 2nd/3rd c. AD, and written in a Celto-Etruscan script, this inscription reads ARTEBUDZ BROGDUI which has been translated as ‘Artebudz for Brogdos’. Both names are Celtic, and the vessel was a votive offering to Brogdos – a deity guarding the border between the world of the living and the after-world.

 
see: https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/2013/05/16/between-birth-and-death-celtic-graffiti/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SREDNICA

 

In 2007 four Early La Tène (LT B2) graves were discovered in Srednica on the outskirts of Ptuj, three female burials and that of a warrior. The most interesting of these burials (#9) was that of the Celtic warrior, dating to the late 4th/ early 3rd c. BC, which was accompanied by ceramic vessels, a Middle La Téne iron fibula, socketed spearhead, knife and a Hatvan-Boldog/Münsingen type sword.

 

 

srednice grave 9 warrior cremation late 4th - early 3rd c. BC

Celtic Warrior Burial (#9) from Srednica

 

 

 

The most spectacular discovery in the burial is undoubtedly the sword/scabbard, richly decorated with tendrils, s-scrolls and triskele motifs, combining many Celtic stylistic elements of this period.

 

 

 

srednice 1 x

Upper plate of the Srednica scabbard

 

 

srednice 3 good

Suspension loop of the Srednica scabbard

 

(After Kavur B. (2014) = http://www.hippocampus.si/ISBN/978-961-6832-74-8.pdf)

 

(The sword is 69 cm long with the blade measuring 56 and the handle 13 cm. The scabbard is up to 4.4 cm broad. The clamps of the scabbard reinforcement are 5.3 cm broad and 1.8 cm long. The discs on the frontal reinforcement are 1.5 cm broad. The suspension loop is 7.4 cm long. The loop plates are 2.6 and the arch is 1.5 cm broad. The chape is 10.3 cm long and 5.9 cm wide)

 

 

 

 

 

 

From a wider perspective, the Srednica burials represent the first phase of Celtic migration into this part of Europe. In the initial phase only a few inhumation burials are known, such as burials 63 and 111 at Karaburma /Belgrade from Scordisci territory, to which we may add one of the female burials from Srednica, indicating that by the late 4th century BC eastern Slovenia was already settled by Celtic populations (Lubšina Tušek, Kavur 2009). While it has traditionally been thought that the initial Celtic settlement in the Central Balkans was connected with the ‘Brennos Invasion’ of 280/279 BC, it is becoming increasingly clear that this campaign was only the culmination of an ongoing migration which had begun decades earlier.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(On the initial phase of Celtic expansion on the Balkans see also: https://www.academia.edu/10763789/On_The_Celtic_Conquest_of_Thrace_280_279_BC_ )

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Mac Congail

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Intro illustr

 

 

https://www.academia.edu/11180222/Observations_on_the_First_British_Coins_and_forgeries_

 

 

Alton (A) Hoard - 50 gold staters of the Celtic chieftains Commios, Tincomarus and Epillus of the Atrebates tribe - discovered at Alton (Hampshire), England buried earlyy 1 c. AD

Intro Cium. helm 2  - bird

 

 

https://www.academia.edu/10763789/On_The_Celtic_Conquest_of_Thrace_280_279_BC_

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Intro - Horné Orešany 1

 

 

 

 

The Celtic hillfort at Horné Orešany is situated in the Trnava district in western Slovakia, in the Little Carpathian mountains above the village. The double rampart ring of the hill fort with an area of 2 ha was discovered in the early part of this century by ‘treasure hunters’ and greatly damaged by illegal excavations.

 

 

map

Archaeologically confirmed early La Têne sites in western Slovakia

(On the early La Têne chieftain’s burial from Stupava see: https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/2014/09/18/the-burial-of-a-celtic-chieftain-from-stupava-slovakia/ )

 

 

 

 
Research studies at the Horné Orešany site subsequently identified a massive amount of material dating from the Hallstatt to middle La Têne periods, with the vast majority pertaining to the early La Têne era (5th c. BC). From the interior of the hillfort evidence of blacksmith activities and jewellery production was identified, including 11 animal- and human-headed brooches, 10 bird-headed brooches and dozens of box-shaped belt hooks. Further discoveries (mostly by ‘treasure hunters’) have included 3 hoards of iron artifacts and two deposits of bronze ornaments, as well as at least 8 Celtic swords and 60-80 spearheads.

 

 

 

brooch 1 GOOOD

brooch 2 GOOOD

Bronze brooches from the Celtic hillfort at Horné Orešany (late 5th / early 4th c. BC)

(after Pieta 2010; see also Megaw 2012)

 

 

Among the most significant finds from the site are two bronze decorated axes, also dating to the early La Têne era. Although in prehistory and the Hallstatt period axes were among the most popular weapons, in the La Têne period their use is recorded only in isolated cases (Guštin 1991: 58/59, Schumacher 1989; Todorović 1972:Taf. 18:6). In Slovakia there is no evidence of the use of axes as weapons during this period (Pieta 2005:49). The ceremonial/religious function of the Horné Orešany axes is also clearly indicated by the intricate triskele decoration on the blade, and the depiction of a bearded deity who appears on both examples.

 

 

 

Horné Orešany 1

 

 

Horné Orešany 2

 

Celtic ritual/ceremonial axes from Horné Orešany (Width of blades 95/ 67 mm.) – Late 5th c. BC (after Pieta 2014)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Face of Esus ?

 

 

In the Celtic pantheon the axe has no clearly defined role, except in the case of the God Esus. The two statues on which the name of Esus appears are the Pillar of the Boatmen from among the Parisii, and a pillar from Trier in the territory of the Treveri tribe. In both of these, Esus is portrayed cutting branches with an axe.

 

The Celtic deity Esus as represented on Le pilier des Nautes (Musée National du Moyen Age, Thermes de Cluny)

The Celtic deity Esus as represented on Le pilier des Nautes, discovered in a temple at the Gallo-Roman civitas of Lutetia (modern Paris/ Early 1 c. AD)

 

 

 

 

 
If the deity on the Horné Orešany axes is indeed Esus, it is interesting to note the sharp contrast between the Gallo-Roman depictions which present the God in human form, i.e. as an axeman, and the earlier Celtic examples in which the fusion of form and decoration culminates in the deity literally becoming one with the weapon.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mac Congail

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Literature Cited

 
Guštin M. (1991) Posočje in der jüngeren Eisenzeit. Ljubljana

 
Megaw V. (2012) ‘Go East Young Man!’ Antipodean thoughts on the earliest La Tène art in Slovakia (with particular reference to the fortified settlement of Horné Orešany) In: Archeológia Na Prahu Histórie. K životnému jubileu Karola Pietu. Nitra 2012, 447 – 460.

 
Pieta K. (2005) Spätlatènezeitliche Wafen und Ausrüstung im nördlichen Teil des Karpatenbeckens. Slovenská archeológia 53, 35-84.

 
Pieta K. (2012): Die keltishe Besiedlung der Slowakei. arh. Slov. Mon. Studia 12, Nitra 2010.

 
Pieta K. (2014) Rituelle Beile aus dem Frühlatène-Burgwall in Horné Orešany/Rituálne sekery z včasnolaténskeho hradiska Horné Orešany. In: MORAVSKÉ KŘIŽOVATKY . Střední Podunají mezi pravěkem a historií. Moravské zemské muzeum, Brno 2014. P. 717-727

 
Schumacher F. J. (1989) Das frührömische Grab 978 mit Beil und Axt. Wafen oder Werkzeuge? In: A.Hafner (Hrsg.): Gräber – Spiegel des Lebens. Zum Totenbrauchtum der Kelten und Römer am Beispiel des Treverer-Gräberfeldes Wederath-Belginum. Mainz. 247-254

 
Todorović J. (1972) Praistorijska Karaburma. Beograd

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I B ci

 

 

Over the past century a large amount of epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological material relating to the Celtic Eravisci tribe has been uncovered in the Budapest region of modern Hungary. However, until recently the vast majority of this material has dated to the immediate pre-Roman and Roman periods (i.e. 1st century BC onwards), while little has been known of the earlier Celtic presence in this area.

 

Eravisci - stove

Clay stove from a Celtic house (#9) at Budapest-Gellérthegy (1st c. BC)

 

Eravisci -Late La Tène pottery workshop at Békásmegyer

Ceramic from a Late La Tène pottery workshop at Békásmegyer (Budapest  – 1 c. BC)

 

 

Eravisci 1 c. BC --ilver denarius. Imitating Roman Republican denarius of L. Roscius Fabatus.

Celtic (Eravisci) denarius from the Budapest area (1st. century BC)

 

 

 

 

 

 

CSEPEL ISLAND

 

 

In light of the above, of particular interest have been the systematic excavations carried out over the past decade at the Csepel Island site on the Danube in Budapest. The site, better known as the personal domain of the Hungarian ruler Árpád after the migration of Hungarians into Pannonia in the early 10th century, and which remained a favourite resort of the Hungarian kings into the Middle Ages, has also proved one of the most significant Celtic sites in Eastern Europe.

 

 

Comp x.

Ceramic, bronze fibula and hohlbuckelring (bronze anklet) from the Celtic burials at Csepel Island (late 4th-3rd c. BC)

 
(On Hohlbuckelringe see:
https://www.academia.edu/7212191/On_Hohlbuckelringe_as_a_Marker_of_Celtic_Eastwards_Expansion )

 

 

 

 

 

The Celtic burial complex at Csepel Island was in use from the La Têne B1 – C1 period, i.e. from the 2nd half of the 4th until the late 3rd c. BC, and excavations at the site have uncovered 107 Celtic burials, both inhumation and cremation, dating to this period (Horváth 2012).

 

 

I B ci

Celtic inhumation burial from Csepel Island (late 4th / early 3rd c. BC)

 

warrior b. 149

Grave goods from a Celtic warrior burial (#149) at Csepel Island:
1. Fragment of shield boss; 2. Body of shield; 3. Suspension chain; 4. Spearhead; 5. Sword/scabbard

(after Horváth M.A. (2014) A Decorated La Tène Sword from the Budapest–Csepel Island. –
https://www.academia.edu/9541006/Horv%C3%A1th_M._A._A_Decorated_La_T%C3%A8ne_Sword_from_the_Budapest_Csepel_Island_IN_Berecki_S._ed._Iron_Age_Crafts_and_Craftsmen_in_the_Carpathian_Basin_BMM-SA_VII_Mega_2014_p._161-170 )

 

 

 

 

Of particular interest is cremation burial #6 at the site, analysis of which has indicated that the deceased was deposited in a large chamber constructed of timber. Such Celtic burials have been previously recorded in Hungary and Slovakia but, due to practical and environmental factors, have rarely been studied in detail.

 

 

cremation grave 6

Cremation burial #6 at Csepel Island (3rd c. BC)

 

cremation grave 6 recon.

Graphic reconstruction of the burial based on the archaeological data

 

( After Horváth 2012 (in Hungarian) – https://www.academia.edu/6969233/S%C3%ADrszerkezet_rekonstrukci%C3%B3s_k%C3%ADs%C3%A9rlet_egy_La_T%C3%A8ne_kori_temetkez%C3%A9s_kapcs%C3%A1n._Versuch_der_Grabrekonstruktion_eines_lat%C3%A9ne-zeitlichen_Begr%C3%A4bnisses._Budapest_R%C3%A9gis%C3%A9gei_XLV_2012._91-110 )

 

 

 

 

 

 

On Celtic cremation burials from Hungary see also: https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/2013/07/13/celtic-death/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mac Congail

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ard nou 1

 

 

A number of exceptional archaeological discoveries from southeastern Europe have thrown new light on the social and cultural relations between the various ‘barbarian’ peoples who inhabited this region in the pre-Roman period.

 
One example of this phenomenon was discovered in the Celtic burial complex at Remetea Mare in the Banat region of western Romania, which evolved from the period over LT B2 and the start of LT C1 (i.e. from circa 280 BC to the end of the 3rd c. BC). In terms of funerary rites and rituals, the cemetery at Remetea Mare illustrates the cultural mix specific to Celtic cemeteries in the east and south of the Carpathian Basin – with one notable exception.

 
Burial #3 at the site, which dates to the same period, is a female inhumation burial which contained a handmade bowl, a small bi-conical wheel-made vessel, iron tweezers that when discovered still preserved attached fabric pieces of the woman’s clothing, a segment of an astragal belt reused as a pendant, and a bronze Thracian brooch (Rustoiu 2011, 2012). The ‘Thracian’ brooch belongs to the IIb variant according to Zirra’s typology and is dated to the first half of the 3rd century BC (Zirra 1998). Both the funerary rite (inhumation rather than cremation – unique at the cemetery) and inventory illustrate that the woman came from a community markedly different from the one in which she died, in this case probably from a Thracian group south of the Danube, and reached the Celtic community at Remetea Mare following a matrimonial alliance established between the Celts and the Thracians, sometime in the first half of the 3rd century BC.

 

 
A similar case has been recorded recently at Aradu Nou in the Banat region, where the inhumation burial of an Illyrian woman, dating to the late 4th/early 3rd c. BC, was discovered in the Celtic burial complex.

 

thr b

Female Inhumation Burial (#3) from Remetea Mare (after Rustoiu 2011)

 

 

ard nou 1ard nou 2

Burial of an Illyrian woman in the Celtic cemetery at Aradu Nou (Banat) in western Romania (late 4th/early 3rd c. BC).

Dating to the initial phase of Celtic expansion into this area, her interment in a Celtic cemetery again indicates a matrimonial alliance contributing to the cementing of inter-cultural relations during this period. Such alliances also logically contributed to the creation of complex social networks between the elites of different communities.
(after Rustoiu A., Ursuţiu A. 2013)

 

 

 
Dating to roughly the same period as the Aradu Nou example are two female inhumation burials in graves # 63 and 67 from the Celtic (Scordisci) burial complex at Karaburma, Belgrade. In this case, the women have been identified as of Pannonian origin (Ljuština M., Spasić M. (2011).

 

 

 

karab

Material from the burials of two Pannonian women in the Celtic burial complex at Karaburma, Belgrade. (1-5 = Duchcov fbula, biconical iron fragment, silver earrings, glass beads and ceramic bowl from burial #63; 6-7 = sliver earrings and glass beads from burial #67).

 
(after Ljuština, Spasić 2011)

 

 

 

 

Another example of such matrimonial alliances between the indigenous Balkan tribes and the Celts comes from a cremation grave, discovered by chance in 1977 at Teleşti in the Oltenia region of Romania. Its inventory consisted of a fragmentary bronze belt, two fragmentary bronze brooches (probably a pair; one destroyed on the pyre), four glass beads and fragments of a blue glass bracelet, an iron horse-bit and two iron elements which probably belonged to a ceremonial cart. The entire assemblage is characteristic for the Celtic environment dating from the Lt C1 phase (second half of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 2nd century BC). The funerary inventory from Teleşti represents the burial of a Celtic woman in a Thracian context. As is the case at Remetea Mare, this burial also points to the existence of an inter-ethnic matrimonial alliance. Her belt, as well as other garment accessories, suggests that the deceased came from a Celtic area, probably in Transylvania or Scordisci territory in Serbia/Bulgaria (Rustoiu 2012).

 

 

 

THE WOMAN IN GRAVE 9

 
Direct testimony to such matrimonial alliances is also recorded at the beginning of the 2nd c. BC. In this case the Macedonian king Philip V, in order to secure a military alliance with the Celto-Scythian Bastarnae tribes, arranged for his son to be married to a Bastarnae princess:

 
“The envoys whom he had sent to the Bastarnae to summon assistance had returned and brought back with them some young nobles, amongst them some of royal blood. One of these promised to give his sister in marriage to Philip’s son, and the king was quite elated at the prospect of an alliance with that nation” (Livy 40:5).

 
In relation to the aforementioned Bastarnae, of further significance is the inhumation burial of a woman in the Celtic burial complex at Pelczyska in southern Poland. Dated to La Têne D2/late 1st c. BC, once again the woman came from outside the community and is believed to have reached the Celtic settlement at Pelczyska through a marriage arrangement between the local Celts and the Bastarnae. Extensive contacts between the settlement at Pelczyska and the Bastarnae have been confirmed by the large number of Bastarnae silver tetradrachms of the ‘Huşi-Vovrieşti’ type found at the settlement (Rudnicki 2003). There also exists the possibility that the coinage represents part of the woman’s dowry.

 

 

 

pel 1

pel 2

Skull and facial reconstruction of a Celto-Scythian (Bastarnae) woman found in the Celtic burial complex at Pelczyska, Poland (1st c. BC). The skeleton is that of a mature female (adultus maturus), circa 30-35 years of age.
(after Rudnicki, Piasecki 2005)

 

 

pel coins

Bastarnae ‘Huşi-Vovrieşti type’ tetradrachms from Pelczyska (after Rudnicki 2003)

 

 

 

 

 

 
Well recorded in the Hellenistic world, the aforementioned burials from Romania, Serbia and Poland represent the first direct archaeological testimony that such matrimonial alliances were also common among the ‘barbarian’ peoples of Europe. Such marriages would logically have had both a major social and political significance.

 

 
It is worth noting that in each case these women, although living in an alien environment, retained their own cultural identity, and upon their deaths their respective customs and burial rites were respected by their host tribe. Such inter-ethnic marriages undoubtedly acted as a catalyst for the development of the symbiotic relationship which evolved between the local tribes and the Celts, resulting in close social, cultural, and political ties. This phenomenon is to be observed in the material culture, and manifests itself, for example, in the development of a mixed Celto-Thracian culture in Thrace, and military alliances formed against Rome during the Scordisci Wars of the late 2nd/1st c. BC.
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
LITERATURE CITED

 

Ljuština M., Spasić M. (2011) Celtic Newcomers between Traditional and Fashionable: Graves 63 and 67 from Karaburma. In: Iron Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium Târgu Mureș 7–9 October 2011. P. 367-375.

 
Rudnicki M. (2003) Celtic Coin Finds from a Settlement of the La Têne period at Pelczyska. In: Polish Numismatic News VII, 2003. P. 1-24.

 
Rudnicki M., Piasecki K. (2005) A Late La Téne Inhumation Grave from Pelczyska: Comments on the Cultural Situation in the Upland Area of Little Poland (with an analysis of the anatomical remains by Karol Piasecki). In Celts on the Margin – Studies in Euopean Cultural Interaction 7th Century BC – 1st Century AD. Krakow 2005. p. 195 – 206

 
Rustoiu A. (2011) The Celts from Transylvania and the eastern Banat and their Southern Neighbours. Cultural Exchanges and Individual Mobility. In: The Eastern Celts. The Communities between the Alps and the Black Sea. Koper–Beograd 2011. p. 163-171

 
Rustoiu A. (2012) The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin. Intercommunity Communication Strategies. In: Iron Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquim from Târgu Mureș 7–9 October 2011. (Târgu Mureș 2012).

 
Rustoiu A., Ursuţiu A. (2013) Indigenous and Celtic Garment Assemblages in Banat and the Surrounding Areas at the Beginning of the La Tène Period (Observations Regarding the Silver Spiral Earrings). In: Archaeological Small Finds And Their Significance. Proceedings of the Symposion:costume as an identity expression – Cluj-Napoca 2013. p. 77-88

 
Zirra V. (1998) Bemerkungen zu den thraco-getischen Fibeln, Dacia N. S., 40–42, 1996–1998, 29–53

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mac Congail

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

intro illust.

 

“A dreamer is one who can only find his way by moonlight, and his punishment is that he sees the dawn before the rest of the world”.
(Oscar Wilde)

 

 

 

 

The process of metamorphosis in Celtic art in Thrace during the 3rd – 1st c. BC may best be observed in ‘barbarian imitations’ of the Macedonian Alexander type tetradrachms, which most clearly allow us to follow the chronological framework in which this occurred. On the original Macedonian prototype(s) (fig. 1/2) the images are idealized but constructively/anatomically precise, which reflects the glorification of physical beauty and strength in its idealized form – an approach typical of classical art.

 

 

Alex. Alexander III AR Tetradrachm. Amphipolis mint. Head of Herakles right, in lionskin headdress - Zeus seated left, holding eagle & sceptre

Fig. 1 – Alexander III AR Tetradrachm (Amphipolis mint 336-326 BC). Head of Herakles right, in lionskin headdress – Zeus seated left, holding eagle & sceptre

 

Philip III AR Tetradrachm. Arados mint, 323-316 BC. Head of Herakles right, wearing lion's skin headdress  - Zeus seated left, holding eagle and sceptre

Fig. 2 – Philip III (Arrhidaeus) AR Tetradrachm of the Alexander type (Arados mint, 323-316 BC). Head of Herakles right, wearing lion’s skin headdress – Zeus seated left, holding eagle and scepter

 

 

The Alexander type tetradrachms, and other Macedonian models of this period, were constrained by the norms of classical art. Classical numismatic artists worked within strict constraints because their art was, above all, a form of political propaganda. In such an atmosphere art does not develop, but stagnates. What happens when the artistic process is not constrained by such considerations? In the centuries before Christ on the Balkan peninsula we witness a period of experimentation among ‘barbarian’ artists which results in a crescendo of ideas expressed in an explosion of images.
In the earliest Celtic examples from the 3rd c. BC (fig. 3-5) we observe some of the changes typical of Celtic art. Anatomical detail gives way to an increasing emphasis on the circular form of the composition, while still remaining relatively faithful to the original Hellenistic model, both in terms of artistic style and the use of Greek in the inscription.

 

 

orsoaltes

Fig 4

 

Kersibaules big

Fig. 5

 

Cavaros fin

Fig. 5

 

Fig 3-5 – Tetradrachms of Orsoaltes, Kersebaules and Cavaros, kings of the Celtic ‘Tyle’ state in eastern Bulgaria during the 3rd c. BC

(see: https://www.academia.edu/5420363/THE_TYLE_EXPERIMENT)

 

 

In fig. 3-5 the images become increasingly schematic. The most interesting feature in fig. 4 is the addition of a new symbol – an oval Celtic shield in front of the seated figure on the throne.

 

 

 

From the 2nd c. BC the tendency towards abstractionism and an increasing emphasis on the composition is to be observed (fig. 6). The Greek inscription has been abandoned, and at this stage portrait features are completely absent. The reverse image is an abstract composition of symbols, forms, and letters in a harmonious whole. On both sides the image has become more schematic, the composition based on simple geometric principles conforming to the circular nature of the coin.

 

 

fig. 6 2 c. bc

Fig. 6 – Celtic drachma, Central Bulgaria (2nd c. BC)

 

 

 

 
In the 1st c. BC (fig 7- 10) we witness a process of further experimentation which culminates in iconic images. In this final stage the composition has become so schematic and geometrically centralized that the inscription has become obsolete, and the seated figure depicted with a nimbus (halo) (fig. 10) assumes an iconic function.

 

 

fig. 7 1 c. bc

Fig. 7 – Celtic drachma, northern Bulgaria – 1st c. BC

 

bd drachms

 

Fig. 8-9 – Celtic drachmas from recent excavations at Bratya Daskalovi, Stara Zagora region, South-Central Bulgaria – late 1st c. BC
(after Tonkova et al (2011) Трако-римски династичен център в районнаЧирпанските възвишения. София 2011; see: https://www.academia.edu/4107842/The_Celts_in_Central_Thrace)

 

 

 

fig. 10 1 c. bc

Fig. 10 – Celtic drachma, central Bulgaria 1st c. BC

 

 

 

 

 

 

It has always been assumed that early Christian iconic art developed independently, and replaced classical art. In this process we may observe how classical art itself was transformed by Celtic artists in the centuries before Christ. This transformation developed in a number of artistic directions, in this case giving birth to symbolic images which would later be called icons; glorifying not the human form itself, but the spirit as an inseparable part of the divine.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*Text after Крусева Б., Мак Конгал Б. (2010) Хората, които се превърна в слънце – Krusseva B., Mac Congail B. The Men Who became the Sun – Barbarian Art and Religion on the Balkans. Plovdiv 2010. ©
On this process see also:
https://www.academia.edu/5543801/On_Posthumous_and_Barbarian_Lysimachus_Staters

On the distribution of ‘Macedonian type’ Celtic coinage in Thrace:
https://www.academia.edu/3488614/Celtic_Coin_Hoards_from_Thrace

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tyle

 

https://www.academia.edu/9437514/THE_LOST_CITY_OF_HILL_-_On_the_localization_of_the_Celtic_capital_in_Eastern_Thrace

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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